ry © Opinions the other press Kerry Evans =e opinionsubmit@hotmail.com flugust 2003 Right Hook 2 J.J. McCullough Op Columnist A few weeks ago there was an interest- ing story that received little press in the Canadian media. Apparently, an Ontario court has ruled that there is, in fact no such thing as a “distinct” Canadian monarchy, and Canada’s head of state is thus, still the Queen of England. This may prompt a confused “huh?” from many readers. The fact that Canada remains a constitutional monarchy is a fact most Canadians would like to ignore. But alas, it is true. Much like Belgium, Tonga, and Saudi Arabia, Canada’s Head of State is a hereditary monarch. “Her most Gracious Majesty Queen Elizabeth the Second, the Queen of Canada.” Or at least that’s what she used to be known as. This recent debacle over the status of the “Canadian Monarchy” all started when a fellow named Tony O’Donohue decided to sue the Canadian Government on the grounds that the “Act of Settlement” which dictates who can become the King or Queen of England, (and thus Canada’s monarch) violates Canada’s constitution. The Act of Settlement announces that only “members of the Church of England” (Anglicans) can become monarch, which Mr. O’Donohue states violates Canada’s Charter of Rights, which clearly states: “Every individual is equal before and under the law and has the right to the equal protection and equal benefit of the law without discrimination and, in particular, without discrimination based on race, national or ethnic origin, colour, religion, sex, age, or mental or physical disability.” So, he argues, if Canada’s Head of State is only allowed to be an Anglican, this blatantly contradicts Canada’s legal notions of equality for all. After all, we have no rules saying the Prime Minister is only allowed to be Anglican, so why should the office of Canada’s Head of State be any differ- ent? Ah, says the judge, that is where you are wrong. Though the Canadian Parliament proclaimed Queen Elizabeth IT “Queen of Canada” in 1952, and thus a “dis- tinct” monarch from that of Queen Elizabeth II, Queen of England, this court ruling has effectively stricken that down The judge points to the preamble to Canada’s constitution: “WHEREAS the Provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick have expressed their Desire to be federally united into One Dominion under the Crown of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, with a Constitution similar in Principle to that of the United Kingdom.” She says that this sentence in the con- stitution clearly indicates that there is no legal “Queen of Canada” or “Canadian Monarchy,” and thus only the British Queen and Monarchy. And since the institution of the British monarchy does not belong to Canada, we are not allowed to change its rules. So, in other words, Canada is still trapped in a neo-colonial relationship with Britain, in which we are not even permitted to tamper with the office of our Head of State, as it does not belong to us. This is more significant that it seems. Though the Queen is often dismissed as an irrelevant figurehead, her consti- tutional powers are quite sweeping. She has the power to dissolve our par- liament, appoint our judges, senators, and Prime Minister, and declare war.The British monarchs can legally do just about anything they want to. Of course, they never do, but I find it disturbing that in today’s modern day and age, the so-called independent nation of Canada continues to bestow such sweeping constitutional authority to a foreign monarchy that we have no control over. Regardless, the fact that our Head of State “never does anything” should also be a source of concern, not comfort. In the parliamentary system, the Head of State is an important part of the political process. His or her job is to be involved in the government, not simply sit around and cut the ribbon at the new Wal Mart. The Head of State’s job is to be polit- ically aware, and be sophisticated enough to know when to exercise his emergency powers to dissolve Parliament, fire the Prime Minister, etc. The presidents of Italy, or India, or Israel, or Germany or wherever, are all politically aware, important political figures in their respective nations’ par- liamentary governments. They take their role seriously, and when they exer- cise their powers, there is not mass out- rage, because they have a public man- date. It is very unhealthy, in a parliamen- tary system for the Head of State to be such a non-participant. It is part of the reason why our Prime Minister has evolved into such a dictator over the years. If Canada is truly an independent country, and a country of laws, then we deserve the right to decide the terms of our Head of State. If the courts say we do not have the right to do so, than they have admitted that there is still a higher authority in Canada then our own constitution Britain. How did we get into this constitu- tional mess in the first place? Well, like most of Canada’s political history, it was a long and convoluted process. Our nation, as you may recall, was founded in opposition to the revolu- tionary republic of the United States. Their ideas of egalitarianism, democra- cy, and republicanism were deemed unacceptable by the Loyalist refugees of North America. To them, and their colonial English backers, the ideas of a rigid class-based society, state religion, and of course monarchial government were clearly superior principles. Thus, nine decades after the American revolu- tion, when the British finally granted the Canadian peoples some semblance of a democratic-self government, the British-born “Fathers of Confederation” overwhelmingly decid- ed to keep the new “Dominion of Canada” under the authority of the British crown. It’s not like they really had any choice in this matter, as Britain would have never agreed to approve anything else. By keeping the crown, Britain was able to continue to exert political influences on the Dominion, even long after the famous date of July 1, 1867- a day many Canadians wrong- ly believe to be our “independence day.” Until the 1931 signing of the Statute of Westminster (a political treaty Britain drew up as a concession for drafting them into World War I) the United Kingdom continued to make laws for Canada, acting through the prerogative of the crown, which had long been delegated to British politi- cians. It was not until after the Second World War and the death of King George VI that Canada began to start drifting away from the colonial mind- set. And a changing a mindset required a change in government. Canada had always observed the British monarch as the titular “head” of the nation since its modern founding, but ideas of who is Canada’s “Head of State” are much more recent develop- ments. Prior to 1947, there was legally no such thing as a “Canadian.” We were all British Subjects, legally interchangeable with citizens from the UK. But then post war patriotism began to swell, and Britain allowed us to form our own dis- tinct citizenship. It should come as no surprise that one of the terms of Canadian citizenship involved—and still does—taking an oath of allegiance to the British monarch. Since we were no longer British Subjects, our office of Head of State would have to be updated. This was really the first time in history Canada began to think of the British crown as a distinct organ of the Canadian govern- ment, as opposed to the grand Imperial http://www.otherpress.ca Country, colony, or historical anachronism What exactly IS Canada? government of the British Empire. When King George died in 1953, and Princess Elizabeth became queen, the Canadian parliament hurriedly decided that she would henceforth be known as the “Queen of Canada.” She was supposed to be a distinct and sepa- rate monarch from the Queen of England, reflecting the fact that Canadians were no longer subject to the authority of the British government. This idea is clearly ridiculous. The Queen of England can no more be the Queen of Canada than the President of Peru can be Emperor of Japan. But the Canadian government pressed on, with the time-honoured Canadian spirit that logic should not stand in the way of constitutional decisions. Thanks to Canada’s less admirable historical rejection of repub- than licanism, modern-day Canada remains saddled with a foreign monarchy. Canadians, mired in apathy, have refused to do anything about this bizarre anachronism. Even debating its existence has been deemed pointless. As I mentioned, the argument that “she does nothing” seems to be the primary justification for keeping the Queen, from most Canadians I talk to on the subject. And it’s true, other than under- mining our national sovereignty and democratic principles she does in fact, do nothing. For a country of people who do noth- ing but hem and haw over how the evil United States is infringing on our “sov- ereignty” with their sinister “foreign influences” we certainly don’t seem to have that much of a problem with liv- ing under a foreign monarchy, and the various foreign trappings it imposes on our sovereignty. In a nation that prides itself on toler- ance and equality, we apparently see no problem in keeping a super-exclusive whites-only, Anglicans-only, wealthy inbred family at the political epicenter of our constitution. This recent court case has highlighted what a bizarre historical anachronism Canada continues to be, largely due to our own apathy, fear of change, and lack of ambition for anything higher than the status quo. Though the Queen is supposed to serve as a symbol of our government, she appears to be having an increasing- ly hard time maintaining that facade. Her website only mentions Canada in passing, as part of a long “laundry list” of Her Majesty’s “other realms and ter- ritories,” and her recent actions have done little to affirm that the opinions of Canada are important to her. On the eve of Britain’s deployment of troops to the Persian Gulf to fight Saddam Hussein, Queen Elizabeth delivered a stirring speech commemo- rating the bravery and strength of the continued on page 10 Page 9