The ‘‘Cival War’’ in Ireland is probably more
socio economically based than anything else, so
that removing British troops would be
immaterial to the actual solution. What is
relevant is the lengths to which this war
reaches, from the ‘‘kitchen-sink drama’’ of
missing buses to the grisliness of the H-Block
hunger strike. There is also the question: of
sympathies:does a free Ireland necessarily
equal a new regime of the IRA? Sy
Religion and nationality become the lowest of
priorities when the bloodbath is already on its
way. : ;

In early October of this year, the Irish Republi-
can Army (IRA) prisoners in Northern Ireland’s
Long Kesh prison ended their hunger strike,
which had started last March. After the deaths
of ten guerrillas, the most recent being Micky -
Devine, who died on August 21st, the an-
nouncement of surrender was made by Sinn
Fein, the political branch of the IRA. Not all of
the participants in the strike died, in fact, there
were seven who had to abandon the fast. The
ten who died have become inevitable martyrs to
the Republican cause, although it seems they
died for naught. 5
There is a war in Ireland, and never mina
whether it is in the North or tne south; it is a
total war. What people seem to remember most
clearly about the events which lead to the
hunger strikes is that the Irish still have
resentment towards the British government’s
administration in Ulster, and that Oliver
Cromwell, the ghost of conquests past, has
been reincarnated into the British parliament.
In one foul swoop, the entire Republican move-
ment can be discredited and disregarded on the
basis of time. Ireland, however, is the last
colony, and Margaret Thatcher has as much
said that Britain will never relinquish its
control. To discredit republicanism with over-
simplification is a complete disregard for the
human loss and suffering, which both the
Loyalist/Protestant and Republican/Catholic
factions can attest to. I believe that it is possible

1-Block deaths and

to find sympathy for Irish people and their

’ cause, without actually condoning their vio- -

lence. I would even venture to say that the
British are~ not the only oppressors; the
prisoners who starved in H-Block were pawns of
the IRA, and just as much victims of terrorism
as were many other unfortunate people whose
paths collided with bomb-impregnated auto-
mobiles or cross-fire.

There are at least nine Republican organiza-
tions throughout Ireland, and an equal number
for the Loyalists, who are centred in the North.
The British Army has a special unit called the
Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR), which works
closely with the 1tocal security forces, such as
the Royal Ulster Constabulary. Not all of the
Loyalist’’armies’’ are British per se; many are
vigilante in theory and practice (The Ulster
Freedom Fighters, Ulster Defence Association)
with similar tactics as the IRA. The Irish Repup-
lican Army are an independent entity, although
there have been major divisions which created
new collectives. The IRA are often called
Provos, mean provisional, and -most of their
military action is directed at the British

‘Occupation troops and the UDR. Closely

alligned with the -Provos are Sinn Fein/The
Republican Movement -- the distinction of
SF/RM is that the Official Sinn Fein does not
support political prisoner status, the Provos’
military campaign, and are more of a Unionist
kind of political party. As well, there are
committees which deal with very specific issues,
such as H-Block prisoners, who have support
from various larger groups. binky
The majority of political Republican groups are
Leftist, usually Marxist, and call themselves

_ Socialist, so that it becomes a matter of degrees

of extremity: there are always rumours that
the Soviet Union supplies arms to the IRA, and
there are almost always ‘‘grains of truth’’ in
most rumours.

The official publication of the Republican
movement is An Phoblacht/Republican News,
published simultaneously in Belfast and in
Dublin. The weekly paper gives intense
coverage of bombings, demonstrations, and
other wartime news, but also deals with more
personal aspects of life in Ireland. One issue
had a feature story on glue-sniffing amongst
youth, and another story about Irish history, a
nostalgic piece about the roots of nationalism.
As well, there is always one article written
Gaelic, and a ‘‘What’s On’’ guide to demon-
strations, film showings, and fund-raising
events. There is obviously more exposure for
the nationalist cause in the south, the reason
being the Catholic majority, so that it is difficult
to find out more about the Loyalists, if one so
desires. Outside the General Post Office: in
Dublin, there are always people selling An
Phoblacht and political paraphernalia, or hold-
ing vigils for H-Block prisoners. The GPO has
historical significance for the Irish, as in 1916,
after the Easter Rising, the Irish Volunteers
claimed Dublin as the capital of the new Irish

Republic (Eire),with a parliament being estab-

lished during the next five years. .

the IRA has never recognised the government
of Eire, because its charter did not include the
six counties in Ulster, consequently Eire’s
attempts of relative co-operation with the
British government have not gone over well
with much of the North or South, and the new
president, Garret FitzGerald, is seen as a
“‘sell-out’’. There is more solidarity between
the North and the South than one might
imagine although the South has always been

 

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