page 6 the other press “April 4,1977 Men are the status quo, women the minority. The status of women is at an impasse; in our male-oriented society women are unable to determine their own needs and find ways to fulfill them. Women continue to bind themselves to their traditional roles, despite their dissatisfaction. Is equality for women merely a matter of granting them equal rights with men or are there other issues to be considered? Perhaps the time has come for us to try a different approach to the situation, to try to determine the true nature es the problem, or if indeed a problem exists at all. The psychologically healthy person is one who is overtly masculine or feminine appropriately. We continue to accept these standards even though it is clear that they are often inapplicable. We force ourselves into unnatural stances. These standards are in themselves contradictory. Male and temale roles exist in polarity, yet we also accept that women are ‘‘immature’’ versions of men. Clearly to accept these standards is fatuous. Women are the largest minority group ever, and remain in this position not from apathy but from aimlessness and diversification of their ideals. The radical feminists who provide the necessary momentum for the movement also impede its progress. Many women feel feminist ideals are unrealistic and undesirable, yet do not deny there is a cause. Asa ee women know what they don’t want, but not what they do. " Through guilt women bind themselves more tightly into their traditional roles. They are deluded into a collective responsibility for the actions of each other. The use of this technique is deplorable. Brigitte Bardot, for example, may choose to act irresponsibly, but the fact that she does is no more a result ot her being a woman than her being French. By accepting criticism of this sort, atrived at through fallacious reasoning, women accept the responsibility for their status. ~ That is not to’say that the TT, has been wrongly placed, nor does it imply that there is a responsibility to fhe accepted. Male and female stereotype roles were originally constructed on complimentary lines through economic necessity. This necessity no longer exists and the original roles have become obsolete. By allowing these roles to become ends in themselves and continuing to force ourselves to conform to their structure, we condone their existence. Their failure to meet our needs is evident in the rising divorce rate. _ The incidence of death through stress-related diseases is increasing, yet we still fail to recognize the implications. Recognizing that the present cultural and social structure is} out of synchronisation with our needs, makes possible a more constructive approach to the problem, Only by determinin the exact nature of the problem can viable solutions be found. In subsequent weeks I hope to look at this situation from various angles, in an effort to discover how it relates to individuals of different age, sex, race and socio-economic status and their ability or inability to fulfill their particular needs. Comments welcome. rac by LARRY BLACK for Canadian University Press Canadian immigration policy has always been dictated by the economy, right from the coun- try’s original settlement, down through the Railroad Era to today. Because just about everybody knows it, the federal govern- ment always looks a little ridi- culous when it tries to justify the ‘flip-flop’’ that is immigration law, in terms of higher planes of moral and ethical righteous- ness. Gone are the days when straight talkers like MacKenzie King would lay the goods on the line. ‘‘No one has the right to immigrate to Canada,’’ the old weirdo explained, ‘‘we just grant certain people the privi- lege.’ ! Door closed While King’s diary lives on, so too does his message, wea- thering as it has the doldrums of recession and the gales of economic ‘‘upswing.”’ Canada, once the expansive breadbasket of opportunity, has shrivelled to a choked, clogged lump of ‘“‘economic uncertain- ty,” and the government con- sequently has offered up a new _immigration law, Bill C-24. The ae designed to help the author- ities cut back on social welfare costs while maintaining a ‘‘pro- ductive’ reserve labor potent- ial, comes after three years of meticulous moral justification. The first attempt at rational- izing this complete break with the 1967 ‘‘open door’’ policy on immigration was the infamous Green Paper of February 1975, which drew flak both for being racist and for suggesting that immigrants should be relegated to the meaner tasks of the Canadian economy. The second attempt, more successful (probably because it _was published with less brouha- ha), was the Science Council of Canada’s scholarly report relea- sed last summer. The report, carrying with it the more re- spectable reputation of the “‘in- dependent’’ council suggested the new tack that the immigrat- ion apologists had discovered-- drop the most offensive discri- minatory bits, because what’s really important is that we limit the numbers of people entering Canada. This ‘‘new approach to Canada’s global relationship”’ proposed that we could best alleviate the world’s ‘‘populat- ion problem”’ by exporting food, other goods and technology, rather than by permitting un- controlled immigration. New Bill Canadians then seemed ready to accept an alternative to the last immigration law, which was passed at a time when the country was searching hard for a workforce in an expanding eco- nomy. So, on Nov. 24 of last year, brand-new immigration minister Bud Cullen unveiled C-24. C-24 aims to ‘‘foster the development of a strong and viable economy and prosperity for all regions of Canada.’’ Included in its package are an apparently liberal response to a UN convention on political re- fugees, a whole new section on the time-honored ‘‘national se- curity’’ and a redefinition of the “‘visiting’’ laborer. While the first two items mentioned are interesting new wrinkles in the game, the clas- sification of worker immigrants as “‘visitors’’ in the bill illustra- tes the worst, but most impor- tant, aspects of the bill. More so _ than in the past, these people will not have the right to work in Canada unless they obtain a work permit before entering the country. They will not have the right to remain in Canada once their permit has expired nor to apply for permanent residence ~ while they are working here. Most importantly, they will not have the right to benefit from social welfare programs- unemployment, health insuran- ce, family allowance-although they must contribute to these programs. The costs of immigration, in terms of social welfare, have been high in the past few years, although the government has sought to limit the number of entries by extra-legal methods, such as ministers’ decrees. The slackening of the economy, with consequent unemployment, us- ually mean that it is the ‘‘new Canadian’”’ with little job secur- ity whose job is among the first to go. Unemployment insurance and welfare, as inadequate as they are, still cost the nation a bundle when out-of-work fig- ures hover around 12 per cent. by Kathy Neilsen Interesting interview. Interviewer: Hello, and welcome to interesting people. Our interesting person this week is Richard, the actor. Richard, how do you feel about theatre in Vancouver? Richard: How would you like to sleep with an equity actor? Interviewer: Well, V'll be back later with more of Richard’s interview. So, because I’ve got all this space left, here’s my very own Christmas Fantasy: It all began one peaceful winter night in a 3-storey adobe apartment house during the 20’s. In a sub-basement walkdown lived a wise but gouty old man named Leon. Everyday, Leon’s grandson would come to visit, and Leon would tell him great pickle stories (sadly he had a lisp) and one peaceful winter’s night Leon’s grandson, Mel, said ‘‘I’ve had enough of pickle stories, I’m getting out of here.”’ ““Nic,’’ said the old man, ‘‘don’t go, I'll tell you one you haven’t heard before.”’ “Grandfather, my names not Nic! It’s Mel, Mel Steinberg.”’ ““You’re just saying that because you're angry, Nicky.’’ ae ” Jeese. “You think just pernnee know nothing? Your not to ol went to the North Po Mel spent &any months playing with paint and wood trying to adapt the decoy duck principle for catching whales. One day, word came that the stock market had crashed and Leon (who had lost everything) had tried to kill himself by jumping up onto the street from his apartment window. for the wire that was to come the next day with details of what had happened. Word didn’t arrive for 6 months (you knew it was coming didn’t you) and Mel was frantic waitin when news came, it was bad. Leon survived his leap but had died anyway. Out of respect for the old man and because he was getting little gamey from being up north with no one to talk to except his sweet baboo, he changed his name to Nick. The rest is history. ou’ve gone to college, I don’t ow to spank, Nick.’’ I’m 28 years old, grandfather,’’ and with that, Mel left. He wanted to go as far from civilization as he could get, but he was afraid of mac the subway at night in New York so he ei ; Canada, then, is moving in- creasingly to the European model in which migrant work- ers, generally without their families, are permitted condit- ional entry. When the boom falls out of the continental economies, as it did during the oil crisis, laborers are deported en masse. Canada’s new bill introduces the concept of ‘‘conditional ac- ceptance’’ of immigrants-they must accept to live in isolated areas, or be content with less prestigious jobs which Canad- ians refuse. ‘ Last summer prior to the Olympics, the federal govern- ment invoked extraordinary legislation, in the form of the Temporary Security Act (Bill C-85) which was designed to grant Games security forces the power to prevent terrorism. At the time, the bill was described as a measure to grant powers similar to those under the War Measures Act, without stirring up citizens in other parts of the country, as happened in 1970. C-85 was allowed to expire in December, but its ‘‘temporary”’ nature is seemingly attached to its name only. The new immi- gration law, C-24 incorporates the same measures and broad- | ens the powers under it to | include the threat of expulsion | to all permanent residents (i.e. landed immigrants). Arrest Powers The bill grants the right to arrest without warrant to every peace officer and immigration officer in the country. Further- more, the minister of immigrat- ion and the solicitor-general can ‘deport any person, other than a permanent resident or a Canadian citizen, with no hear- ing,’’ and without even requir- ing either to offer an excuse. Further, even permanent re- sidents can now be deported after an appeal, by the minister filing a ‘‘security certificate.’’ Immunity from deportation, formerly achieved after five years’ residence, no longer will exist. The section on political refug- ees is particularly misleading, since it appears to entertain the legal obligations Canada assu- med as a signatory to a 1969 United Nations convention re- lating to their status. The bill, one Latin American church group claims, ‘‘fails to recognize the special circumst- ances which make a refugee a. refugee.’’ Under the bill, refu- gees will have to satisfy the same requirements as normal immigration applicants. Veiling a repressive security measure, more plausibly direct- ed at situations such as October 1970, under an immigration act probably seems pretty crafty to the solicitor-general. Citizens who might oppose such impos- itions as the War Measures Act, certainly appear to be more disposed toward an immigration bill which apparently blames outsiders for many of our social] ills. The logic of the new bill wears a little thin. Canada simply doesn’t want immigrants right now. aeney