Naomi Klein Exposes the Dangerous Side of Free Market Radicals By Kate Lancaster Nooo: Klein, author of No Logo: Taking Aim at Brand Bullies, recently released her latest book, Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism. And she says she’s viciously enjoying the fact that she’s currently beating both Brian Mulroney and Alan Greenspan on the North American best seller lists. No doubt she’s enjoying the controversy and debate the book is stirring up as well. Klein spoke in Vancouver on October 4 as a guest of the Vancouver International Writer’s Festival. She is using the capital of a best seller to affect change away from corporate greed and the radical free market ideas of economists like Milton Friedman, and toward a workable economic model based on grass-roots collective endeavors and the strength of the public sphere. An award-winning investigative journalist, Klein is also recognized as one of the leading intellectuals of our time. In 2000, No Logo, her exposé on corporate branding, became a bible for the anti-globalization movement, as well as a respected business handbook for the new millennium. This time, she’s put her considerable intelligence toward exposing the opportunistic, and often-violent nature of radical free market fundamentalism when it is applied to disaster zones such as post-tsunami Sri Lanka, post-Katrina New Orleans, and present day Iraq. So what does Klein mean by the term “shock doctrine?” She says, “It is a philosophy of power that holds that the best way, the best time, to push through radical free-market ideas is in the aftermath of a major shock.” The shock can take many forms: natural disasters, terrorist attacks, war— anything that causes extreme shock within a population. These crises open a window of opportunity because people in shock are vulnerable and more easily manipulated. As a result, it’s easier for elites to push through radical changes, or what economists call “economic shock therapy.” Klein is not suggesting that market fundamentalists conspire to create these opportunities —she forcefully denies that she’s a conspiracy theorist— but that they take advantage of disasters to promote their economic agenda. Their interests are served by deliberately planned and executed privatization policies that are easier to push through during times of crisis than during the Status quo. Shock Doctrine traces and compares two kinds of shocks: economic shock, which arose from the Chicago school of Economics headed by Friedman, and psycho/corporeal shock, or shocks to the body. These shocks are the kind used in the “creative interrogation techniques” of psychiatrist Ewen Cameron at McGill University in the 1950s. Funded by the CIA and backed by the Canadian government, Cameron used patients at McGill’s Allan utterly shattered. But they provided the CIA with the information needed to create a manual for torture, which Klein discovered while researching the book. This manual is filled with techniques now being practiced in terrorist detention centres such as Guantanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib. Klein compares Cameron’s deeds to TH oe OF Biss TER “Klein is not suggesting that market fundamentalists conspire to create these opportunities, but that they take advantage of disasters to promote their economic agenda.” Memorial Hospital as guinea pigs to prove his controversial and unorthodox theories on mental illness. He believed the mentally ill needed to be completely broken down and rebuilt back to health. To accomplish this, he administered severe and frequent electro-shock treatments and massive amounts of psychotropic and psychedelic drug cocktails to his patients. He deprived them of sleep for days or alternately induced sleep, leaving them near comatose for as long as a month. Once a “complete depatterning” was achieved, Cameron used taped messages to re-pattern his patient’s memory and personality. As Klein says, it was “shock and awe” therapy. Of course, Cameron’s experiments were abject failures in terms of mental health—his patient’s lives were often disaster capitalism, where countries in shock are repatterned using economic shock therapy. For instance, in Sri Lanka after the tsunami, poor fishermen whose families had lived on the ocean for generations were moved inland “for their own safety.” While they were still in a state of shock, foreign investors scooped up their property and auctioned it off to the tourist industry. They repatterned the seaside for the sake of profit. In New Orleans, the public school system has been systematically erased and replaced by “Charter” schools: privately run, for-profit organizations. Big Education may prosper, but how many of the refugees of Katrina will be able to afford to send their children to these schools? The entire school system has been repatterned for the sake of profit. As for Iraq, Klein calls the war “the most egregious and disgraceful example of economic shock therapy.” Since the war started in 2002, the number of private contractors working in Iraq has risen from three to a startling 180,000. At the beginning of the war, even Paul Bremer, the Presidential Envoy to Iraq who privatized just about everything in the country, refused to touch the oil industry because he feared a public backlash. However, once Iraq disintegrated into so-called civil war, the Bush-sponsored Iraqi government instituted a law that allows private oil companies to export 80 percent of their output. Klein argues that disaster capitalism is not a theory, it is a reality; and she uses the above examples and more to support her statement. Interestingly, few are stepping up to debate her this time, as opposed to the strong opposition she felt to No Logo. It may be because Klein and her highly skilled research team have done more than their share of homework. Or it may be because Klein is really a centrist with detractors on both the right and the left. She’s too socialist for the right wing and too moderate for the left. Indeed, she openly admits that markets are not necessarily bad. It is the insinuation of the market into every aspect of life that she opposes, and the exploitation of the disenfranchised or the shocked by radical free market capitalists. As Klein said in her address to striking Vancouver library workers on October 5, “There are areas where we know the market should not apply: health care, education and libraries. These things are too important, too fundamental to our democracy to allow the profit motive to govern those transactions.” Surprisingly, Klein is not all doom and gloom. She is extremely positive and hopeful for the future. It is her belief that the proponents of right-wing market economics are themselves in a time of crisis. She says, “The IMF is going broke, the WTO has been derailed, and there is a crisis of faith in trickle down economics.” Mostly, Klein encourages us to communicate and to remember history because, as she says, “We need our stories because they make us strong and build resistance.” Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism is one hell of an act of resistance. It says, “Brian Mulroney and Alan Greenspan, your time has come,” and the battle won’t just be fought on the bookshelves at Chapters.